Religion and Women in Britain, 1660-1760 (edited with Sarah Apetrei) (Routledge, 2014)
The essays contained in this volume examine the particular religious experiences of women within a remarkably vibrant and formative era in British religious history. Scholars from the disciplines of history, literary studies and theology assess women's contributions to renewal, change and reform; and consider the ways in which women negotiated institutional and intellectual boundaries. The focus on women's various religious roles and responses helps us to understand better a world of religious commitment which was not separate from, but also not exclusively shaped by, the political, intellectual and ecclesiastical disputes of a clerical elite. As well as deepening our understanding of both popular and elite religious cultures in this period, and the links between them, the volume re-focuses scholarly approaches to the history of gender and especially the history of feminism by setting the British writers often characterised as 'early feminists' firmly in their theological and spiritual traditions.
British military history, 1660-1750
Monarchy in Britain c.1660-1760
Gender; women writers
Before arriving at St. Hilda’s in 2006, I studied at Newnham College, Cambridge, taught at Christ’s College, Cambridge, and was an RCUK Academic Fellow at the University of Hull. I was awarded a Philip Leverhulme Prize in 2008. I work on Britain in the period 1660 to 1760 and, in particular, the history of political culture and history of gender. I am currently writing a book about the political and cultural history of the British army from 1660 to 1750. In this field, I have also co-edited with Erica Charters and Eve Rosenhaft, Civilians and War in Europe 1618-1815 (Liverpool University Press, 2012, paperback edition 2014). My first book was Georgian Monarchy: Politics and Culture 1714-1760 (Cambridge University Press, 2006, paperback edition 2009), and I continue to pursue an interest in eighteenth-century court culture through work on a new edition of Lord Hervey's Memoirs of the Reign of King George II, co-edited with Stephen Taylor. My interest in gender history is reflected in my current work on the early eighteenth-century writer Susanna Centlivre, a forthcoming volume of essays, Religion and Women in Britain, 1660 to 1760 (Ashgate) co-edited with Sarah Apetrei, research on eighteenth-century aristocratic libertinism, and a project on gender and equestrianism.
The Hanoverian Succession and the Politicisation of the British Army
The Hanoverian Succession Dynastic Politics and Monarchical Culture
The Hanoverian succession of 1714 brought about a 123-year union between Britain and the German electorate of Hanover, ushering in a distinct new period in British history. Under the four Georges and William IV Britain became arguably the most powerful nation in the world with a growing colonial Empire, a muscular economy and an effervescent artistic, social and scientific culture. And yet history has not tended to be kind to the Hanoverians, frequently portraying them as petty-minded and boring monarchs presiding over a dull and inconsequential court, merely the puppets of parliament and powerful ministers. In order both to explain and to challenge such a paradox, this collection looks afresh at the Georgian monarchs and their role, influence and legacy within Britain, Hanover and beyond. Concentrating on the self-representation and the perception of the Hanoverians in their various dominions, each chapter shines new light on important topics: from rivalling concepts of monarchical legitimacy and court culture during the eighteenth century to the multi-confessional set-up of the British composite monarchy and the role of social groups such as the military, the Anglican Church and the aristocracy in defining and challenging the political order. As a result, the volume uncovers a clearly defined new style of Hanoverian kingship, one that emphasized the Protestantism of the dynasty, laid great store by rational government in close collaboration with traditional political powers, embraced army and navy to an unheard of extent and projected this image to audiences on the British Isles, in the German territories and in the colonies alike. Three hundred years after the succession of the first Hanoverian king, an intriguing new perspective of a dynasty emerges, challenging long held assumptions and prejudices.
'Susanna Centlivre, 'Our Church's Safety' and 'Whig Feminism'
Religion and Women in Britain, c. 1660–1760
The essays contained in this volume examine the particular religious experiences of women within a remarkably vibrant and formative era in British religious history. Scholars from the disciplines of history, literary studies and theology assess women's contributions to renewal, change and reform; and consider the ways in which women negotiated institutional and intellectual boundaries. The focus on women's various religious roles and responses helps us to understand better a world of religious commitment which was not separate from, but also not exclusively shaped by, the political, intellectual and ecclesiastical disputes of a clerical elite. As well as deepening our understanding of both popular and elite religious cultures in this period, and the links between them, the volume re-focuses scholarly approaches to the history of gender and especially the history of feminism by setting the British writers often characterised as 'early feminists' firmly in their theological and spiritual
'Introduction' to Civilians and War in Europe, 1618-1815
Civilians and War in Europe, 1618-1815
Civilians and War in Europe, 1618-1815
This book examines the relationship between civilians and warfare from the start of the Thirty Years War to the end of the Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars. It interrogates received narratives of warfare that identify the development of modern ‘total’ war with the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars, and instead considers the continuities and transformations in warfare over the course of 200 years. The book examines prisoners of war, the cultures of plunder, the tensions of billeting, and war-time atrocities throughout England, France, Spain, and the German territories. It also explores the legal practices surrounding the conduct and aftermath of war; representations of civilians, soldiers, and militias; and the philosophical underpinnings of warfare. The book probes what it meant to be a civilian in territories beset by invasion and civil war or in times when ‘peace’ at home was accompanied by almost continuous military engagement abroad. It shows civilians not only as anguished sufferers, but also directly involved with war: fighting back with shocking violence, profiting from war-time needs, and negotiating for material and social redress. Finally, the book shows us individuals and societies coming to terms with the moral and political challenges posed by the business of drawing lines between ‘civilians’ and ‘soldiers’.
‘Politics, patriotism, and gender: the standing army debate on the English stage, circa 1689-1720’
Journal of British Studies
In May 1689 the English Crown declared war on an aggressive France, thus
commencing an exhaustive and, at times, desperate conflict that was to last
for over two decades. The impact of the Nine Years’ War (1689–97) and
the War of the Spanish Succession (1702–13) was enormous. The fight against
France dramatically augmented the fiscal scope of the English state, which struggled
to meet the costs of warfare and war-related debt; it increased the clout of
the legislature, with Parliament meeting to vote supply; and its economic and
social costs pinched every level of society. As a result of the wars, the army grew
to an unprecedented size. At the start of James II’s reign in 1685, the English
army had consisted of 8,865 men, with its numbers strengthened by the Irish
army of 7,500 men and the Scottish army of 2,199. By the time of the Nine Years’
War, the British army stood at an estimated average annual strength of 76,404
men; by the War of the Spanish Succession it had risen to an estimated average
annual strength of 92,708 men.1 Possibly one in seven men who were capable of
military employment served in the British army between 1689 and 1697.2
How voters, taxpayers, and communities financed and manned this major war
effort has been a key theme of research into this formative period of British history.
‘The army, provincial urban communities, and loyalist cultures in England, c.1714-50’.
Journal of Early Modern History: contacts, comparisons, contrasts
Professional armies were unpopular in early eighteenth century England, the professional
soldier being seen as an agent of political tyranny. However, there also existed an alternative
rhetoric, which portrayed him as a soldier-citizen, who fought to defend his country’s liberties.
The article begins by exploring these characterizations of professional soldiers, and
goes on to examine civic-military relations in English cities and towns during the reigns of
George I and George II. A culture of political loyalism, focusing on the early Georgian
kings, may have assisted attempts at coexistence between soldiers and citizens in communities
where the inhabitants shared a commitment to the Protestant Succession with the soldiers
in their midst. Polite sociability, and all that it implied, might also act as a medium for
non-confrontational interaction between the urban elites and officer corps.
‘Hephaestion and Alexander’: Lord Hervey, Frederick, prince of Wales, and the royal favourite in England in the 1730s’
English Historical Review
Late in August 1731, George II’s Vice-Chamberlain, John, Lord
Hervey, wrote to Stephen Fox, his lover for the last four years, with a
startling admission: Hervey wished he loved his close friend, the king’s
son, Frederick, prince of Wales, as much as he loved Fox. 1 Fox reacted
to Hervey’s divulgence with considerable emotional distress; after all,
only a few days previously, Hervey had declared that he loved Fox ‘ more
than I thought I could love any thing ’ . Hervey was forced to write a
tearful letter of repentance by return of post. 2 He had ‘ ly’d egregiously ’ ,
Hervey passionately declared. He was ‘ as incapable of wishing to love
any Body else so well, as I am of wishing to love You less ’ . 3 And Hervey
remained true to his word. Hervey’s and Fox’s love affair continued for
four or so more years. By contrast, Hervey found himself irrevocably
alienated from the prince by the following spring.
‘‘Last of all the heavenly birth’: Queen Anne and sacral queenship’
This article considers Queen Anne in her capacity as a royal politician. In particular, it examines how she attempted to represent her political authority and how this intersected
with prevailing perceptions of female rule and ideas about the sacred basis to monarchy. It
analyses the iconographical meanings embedded in Antonio Verrio’s decorative scheme of
1703–5 for the queen’s drawing room at Hampton Court and suggests ideas behind Anne’s
revival of the ceremony of touching for the king’s evil.The article argues that Anne used both initiatives to emphasize the sacral quality of her queenship and it goes on to explore her reasons for doing so in the context of pre- and post-revolutionary projections and understandings of kingly – and queenly – authority.