The field of anthropometric history was introduced in the
late 1970s when economic historians started to quantify the standard of living
in settings for which conventional indicators of well-being were unavailable or
controversial. In the meanwhile research is very flourishing and the
anthropometric approach has expanded, tackling various different sub-topics.
The aim of this course is to introduce students to the field
of anthropometric history by covering a wide range of sub-topics, as well as countries
and periods (Steckel 1998; 2009).
The course will start with a session introducing to the
concept of the biological standard of living, and the methodology using stature
as well as weight as proxies of net nutritional intake (UNICEF 1990; WHO 1983;
1986). Based on the works by authors such as Eveleth and Tanner (1990), Komlos
and Baten (2004), Steckel (1995; 1998; 2008a), Siravansan (1992), Ulijaszek
(2006) we will discuss basic aspects in a second step, such as: What are the advantages of utilising heights?
What role does genetics play for heights of individuals and populations? When
is human height determined?
In the following session we will concentrate in more detail
on ”Morbidity, Mortality, height and BMI” as the interaction of these aspects
is of particular importance. On the one hand, health (disease stress) is one of
the main direct determinants of nutritional status, and thus affecting the
outcome in mean height and BMI, as well as longevity (e.g. Crimmins and Finch
2006; Marino 2007; Oxley 2006; Schaible and Kaufmann 2007). In particular
infection and under-nutrition have a synergistic relationship (Stephensen 1999).
On the other hand, nutritional status has an impact on health. Apart from the
immediate consequences for health during childhood, inadequate net nutrition
moreover can have an impact on morbidity later in life: for example on cardiovascular, bronchial and
respiratory, or cholesterol and diabetic disease susceptibility in adulthood
(the fetal origins hypothesis). Furthermore, research discussion is going on
how and to what extent the occurrence of different diseases such as small pox,
cancer or malaria have affected or have been affected by the mean height
development of a population.
Improvements
in health and net nutrition can have a beneficial impact on economic growth,
which in turn can affect the biological standard of living again. This is the
case for the population in general due to the overall enhancement of human
capital. Moreover, Schultz (2002), Deaton and Arora (2009), Humphries and
Leunig (2009).and others found anthropometric determinants to have also an
effect on occupational choice and wages; although the latter not necessarily is
a linear wage premium, but rather a curvilinear (Hübler 2009).
A particular advantage of the anthropometric approach is
that it allows us to study quantitatively even the welfare far back in time
(Steckel 2003). Height data based on human remains from excavated cemeteries allow
a very long-tem perspective, and therefore insights into the wellbeing of
former populations, for which nor or only rarely other adequate sources of
information on average living standards are available: We will discuss
long-term developments in Europe and the Americas (e.g. Maat 2005, Koepke 2008
respect. Bogin and Keep 1999, Steckel 2005a, Steckel 2005b, Steckel and Rose
2002).
Additionally to the
possibility to utilise anthropometric measures to study the development of
nutritional status in the course of time – controlling for example for the
effect of the demographic expansion and changes in the degree of urbanisation
–, the anthropometric approach also can be used in order to examine regional
differences within and in-between countries. For example, various studies of
historic and recent conditions in today’s LDCs brought decisive insights to
conditions if inequality (e.g. Srinivasan 2000; Moradi 2005, 2009; Guntupalli
and Baten 2006).
Moreover,
a special feature of anthropometric indicators is that they allow insights into
the well-being of social groups, such as slaves or peers, and thus enable
comparison of different groups. Similarly it is also possible to study within-inequality.
Other than traditional welfare measures (e.g. GDP)
anthropometric measures even mirrors resource allocation within a household,
and give information on sections of the population, which otherwise lay in the
dark (esp. children). They enable us to study for example the existence
and development of gender specific discrepancies.
Studies in various research fields of economic and social
sciences indicate gender specific discrimination in different societies at
least to some extent, which is most commonly anti-female directed.
Anthropometric research in particular allows a clear insight to the existence
and development of gender specific discrepancies caused by society-induced
norms and corresponding conditions. These factors can result in different
environmental conditions causing different gender-specific (nutritional) status
between girls and boys, as well as women and men. Important fundamental fact is
that several recent studies come to the conclusion that – in contrast to the
former idea that females are the more robust sex –, actually females and males
react similar on comparable (changes in) environmental conditions. Correspondingly,
anthropometric measures can be utilised to reconstruct gender discrimination
concerning inequitable resource allocation between the genders (e.g. Baten and
Murray 2000; Stinson 2000; Horrel, Meredith and Oxley 2009; Komlos 2009; Moradi
and Guntupalli 2009).
Other topics within the anthropometric history
research are the for example effects of colonialism
(e.g. Brennan et al. 2000; Morgan and Liu 2007: Moradi 2008), biological well-being during political or economic
crises (e.g. Salvatore, 2004; Schwekendiek, 2008), wellbeing in non-market
economies (e.g. Mironov, 1999; Wheatcroft 2009; Stillman and Thomas 2008), or
the development of living conditions in different regions in the world
and the impact of industrialisation: Studies
on the effect of industrialisation in the US discuss the feature of the
early-industrial so-called Antebellum Puzzle (Komlos 1987; 1998): Why did the
nutrition and health status of Americans decrease though national income and
real wages increased? A session on the effect of industrialisation in Europe would
be based on a comparison of the UK
and mainland Europe in the 19th and 20th
century (e.g. Cinnirella 2008; Martínez-Carrión and Moreno-Lázaro
2007).
Two different effects could be distinguished as result of
the technological change, which accompanies the industrialisation, altering the
affected economy extremely. On the one hand, a wide range of other
transformations occur in tandem that in turn have negative health implications;
however, on the other hand, an advanced medical technology and other changes
can have a positive impact on the living standard. We will discuss the possible
outcomes, the ‘when and where’, and potential reasons for the varying effects of
industrialisation in Europe.
Based on this wide range of anthropometric studies, students
can choose on which further sub-topics and contributions they would like to
draw attention to in the following sessions.
After we decided on which topics we would like to
concentrate further readings will be announced for each upcoming session. In
each case, firstly I will give an introduction to the specific topic; secondly,
we will reflect on the various debates and we will discuss the evidence and the
explanations put forward for specific findings based on the reading list I will
hand out beforehand. The literature selection will be concentrated on recent
papers rather than on the standard works such as Eveleth and Tanner (1990), Floud
et al. (1990) or Fogel (2004).
The course is an introduction to anthropometric history,
thus it will be taught so that it is suitable for newcomers to the field, means
any occurring sophisticated econometric methods will be explained in each
session.
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